|
"LESSONS LEARNED IN RWANDA"
The type of crisis we had, was certainly the worst; it was genocide. This defied all
conventions and early warning systems as it was systematically carried out by political
and military authorities. I will not dwell long on the genocide as it occurred, but on the
consequences and on efforts to move from emergency to development. Suffice it to say that
the genocide machine crushed anyone opposing it including members of international
organizations, until it was brought to a halt.
|
|
By: Tharcisse NTUKANYAGWE & Ildephonse KARENGERA
Lessons Learned in Rwanda
I. Consequences of genocide:
a. immediate
b. social, economic, psychological, and
cultural consequences
1. tear in the social fabric
2. destruction of the economic structure
3. the judicial issue
4. loss of trust in the international community
II. Current action towards political and social rehabilitation
a. by the Government
1. through the civil society
b. by the International
community
III. Action proposals
a. for the
government
b. for the civil
society
c. for the
international community
I. Consequences of the Genocide
a) Immediate
The most immediate consequence that ensued from the genocide was the disappearance of
about one million men, women and children, a majority of whom belonged to the Tutsi group.
The other major consequence was the exodus of about 2 million Hutu people following the
defeat of the genocide forces. That population went into exile flanked by the political
and military forces that had just committed genocide.
b) The social, economic, psychological and cultural consequences
i) The tear of the social fabric
During the period following the genocide, there exists a deep ethnic polarisation
within the Rwandan society; this is not generally manifested in an open tension between
the various group members, but rather by a feeling of mistrust and avoidance of one
another. Relationships are superficial and remain essentially utilitarian. In the
perception of each other there exists the difficulty to consider a person outside his
ethnic group. At a more general level, that means that the notion of the Rwandan nation is
questionable.
There exists a sentiment of fear and anxiety, especially among the genocide survivors.
That community has many cases of trauma, especially among the children.
The genocide has deeply bruised the Rwandan society by creating tens of thousands of
orphans, widows, and women-led families, because either men were killed, had fled the
country, or were in prison. A survey carried out in November, before the return of new
refugees, demonstrated that two children per family were orphans. There exist many
households headed by children. In 1996 a socio-demographic study carried out by UNICEF
found that 35% of families were headed by women. The genocide also affected the
handicapped and the old people in particular as they lost their traditional family
support.
Another consequence of the genocide was that the genocide survivors deserted the
countryside for security reasons. Some survivors, whose only life and subsistence was
agriculture, were forced to leave their fields and settle in towns where they cannot cater
for their needs and as a result live in situations of dependence.
Rape and defilement were used as a genocide weapon. Thousands of women were forced into
a sexual relationship by their torturers and many of them became pregnant whereas others
were contaminated with AIDS. The rape and AIDS did not affect only the victims of
genocide, i.e. the tutsi. In the situation of disorder which was prevailing, the genocide
perpetrators also attacked other women. The promiscuity and the violence that reigned in
the camps in Congo-Zaire also encouraged the propagation of AIDS. A study that was
published this year by the AIDS control National Programme (PNLS) revealed a particularly
high rate of AIDS prevalence in rural areas with 11% [of the population] infected. When we
consider that 90% of Rwandans live in the rural areas, the gravity of the situation
becomes clear.
ii) The destruction of the economic structure
Genocide, massacres and war did not damage the material infrastructure such as
buildings, factories, roads and bridges in a significant manner. It was human structures
that were most strongly targeted, particularly the public administration. At the end of
1994, less than a third of the public servants of the former administration were at their
posts, and only 3% of the higher cadres. The others were either dead, or in exile if not
in prison. The Rwandans from the former Diaspora could only partly fill the gap.
Banks were looted and closed, the transitional genocidaire government went to former
Zaire with 24 billion francs.
According to the WFP, in agriculture, the second season crops of 1994 corresponded to
45% of 1993 crops, although 1993 was a very bad year for crops. A lot of farmlands were
abandoned and the coffee harvest was reduced by 50%. 80% of the cattle and smaller animals
had disappeared. Finally, the quasi-totality of factories had ground to a halt.
For the year 1994, the Gross National Product was reduced by 50% compared to the 1993
GNP, and inflation had risen to 40%. It will take many years to reach the production level
of the pre-genocide years, even though those years were themselves a period of deep crisis
and decline.
The struggle against the continued aggression of genocide forces has put a heavy strain
on the state budget.
Finally, the Rwandan Government inherited an enormous debt that was contracted
essentially by the Habyarimana Government since 1990, and was diverted to the war effort.
According to the World Bank, in 1997, the total debt owed by Rwanda was equivalent to
62.5% of its GDP and debt servicing represented 33.5% of the export earnings. The
international organisations such as the IMF and the World Bank could not ignore the real
destination of funds allotted to countries in that period of structural adjustment
programme. Taking into account the nature of the war as done by Habyarimana's government
between 1990 and 1994, and of the planned and organised nature of the genocide, it is
hardly possible to dissociate the financing of that war by the former government from the
financing of the genocide. That is how the new Rwanda representing the "surviving
people", grossly so defined by default as opposed to the perpetrators and organisers
of the genocide, finds itself strangled by a debt contracted to buy arms to be used for
the genocide. Taking into account that the important part of that debt is public, that a
million people died and two million people had left the country and that the state had
totally collapsed, a question arises on how to know to what extent the insistence of
maintaining that burden on the new Rwanda will go and what part of responsibility should
be assumed by international institutions that granted that debt.
iii) The judicial issue:
Among other Rwandan institutions, the justice system was one of the most affected and
it collapsed completely. Genocide being a mass phenomenon at the level of its execution,
the post-genocide government found itself in the obligation of very quickly putting tens
of thousands of suspects in prison in order to preserve public order. It would have been
very difficult to leave the "surviving people" to stay with their torturers
without causing serious disorder. Moreover, the government opted for a policy of fighting
against impunity that characterised by the two previous regimes that encouraged a cyclic
repetition of massacres.
It was necessary to create a judiciary system ex nihilo mainly to try
thousands of genocide suspects. For the sake of fairness, a law instituting different
categories of responsibilities and penalties was promulgated, which provides for a
confession process that could lighten the penalties. The problem of overcrowding of
prisons continues to create a lot of health and hygiene problems in many detention
centres. The extremely high number of prisoners, about 130,000 today, makes the
prosecution proceedings of genocide suspects so slow that there is very urgent need for
change.
iv) Rwanda's loss of trust in the international community
The Arusha Peace process was sponsored by what was known as the "Triumvirate"
made up of the United States of America, Belgium and France. Afterwards, the United
Nations' Mission to Rwanda (UNAMIR) was created and had thousands of troops, with the
mission of ensuring a peaceful transition. Three weeks after the beginning of the genocide
and massacres, the U.N Security Council decided to withdraw the UNAMIR troops leaving
behind a symbolic number of men. This was real treason against the genocide victims and it
is perceived as such in Rwanda.
In early July 1994, when the Rwandan Patriotic Front forces had just defeated the
genocide forces, the latter decided to seek refuge in Zaire and Tanzania, dragging with
them part of the population.
Turning their back to Rwanda and the victims of genocide, an enormous humanitarian and
media machine moved to the refugee camps, so that for international mass media and
national opinions under their influence, the crisis that deserved compassion and
mobilisation was that of refugee camps in Zaire and Tanzania, almost ignoring the genocide
that had just been perpetrated in Rwanda. It was only slowly at first that the
international humanitarian aid was sent to Rwanda.
In the rush to the refugee camps, a few organisations and journalists raised the
question on how two million Rwandans were there, who encouraged them to flee en masse and
why. The humanitarian organisations in the refugee camps collaborated with political
structures responsible for the genocide. They were fair-minded and wanted to reach the
rural populations in exile. Those organisations were less concerned with the massive
diversion of the aid distributed in the camps; soldiers and militiamen who had just
perpetrated genocide in Rwanda diverted the aid.
Finally, while the Government of Rwanda was summoned to bring back its refugees, the
humanitarian organisations went on using the political structures as their intermediaries,
which, through intimidation and propaganda of rumours, maintained the refugees as
hostages. In so doing, the international organisations backed the soldiers and militiamen
who were busy rearming and reorganising themselves.
II. Current action towards political and social rehabilitation
a) By the Government
 | Formation of Transitional Government and Parliament of National Unity: On July
9th, 1994, two weeks after the official end of the war and the genocide, the victorious
RPF formed a transitional Government and Parliament of National Unity including all
political parties and factions that did not take part in genocide, within the spirit of
the Arusha Peace Agreement.
|
 | The integration of the ex-Rwanda Armed Forces members into the Rwanda Patriotic Arm:
Thousands of members of the ex-Rwanda Armed Forces have been integrated into the RPA at
all levels, ranging from ordinary troops to high ranking military officers, Thus the
police chief is a former member of the Rwanda armed forces (RAF) and so is the RPA deputy
Chief of Staff.
|
 | Organisation of an international conference on the genocide and a response to it:
The Government organised that conference in December 1995 gathering experts from all
callings in order to study the response to the genocide question. It was during that
conference that the law on categorisation of responsibilities and prosecution for the
crime of enocide was proposed.
|
 | In June 1996, the promulgation of the organic law on the prosecution of crimes of
genocide: That law has provisions for categorisation of responsibilities and
penalties. There is category I for planners, organisers and people who showed particularly
a murderous zeal; category 2 is that of executors who committed murder, beatings, injuries
and serious torture; category 3 for those who inflicted beatings and injuries on their
victims without causing death, and other mutilations than sexual ones. Finally, the fourth
category is made up of those who committed thefts, set houses on fire or destroyed them,
killing of livestock. That law has provisions for a confession procedure which permits the
condemned person to benefit from a lighter penalty. This is when the person agrees to
cooperate, denounce his/her accomplices and gives all information that will facilitate the
course of justice.
|
 | Trips around the country by members of the Government, Parliament and the army high
command to promote national unity among the population: Since the formation of
the Transitional Government, high-ranking Government officials made trips to different
areas of the country and even in refugee camps in order to promote the idea of national
unity among the populace. This promotion exercise is particularly intense in northwestern
regions which are subject to violent actions by the ex-Rwandan Army soldiers and the
militia.
|
 | Organisation of solidarity camps: These camps gather different sections of the
population such as students, teachers, doctors, and soldiers. In these camps participants
discuss on national unity, the country's history and the problems on the country's
governance.
|
 | Application of the policy of restitution of occupied or looted property: After
the genocide and the war, people whose houses were destroyed or the Rwandese from the
Diaspora who had no shelter often occupied houses left vacant by the 1994 refugees. There
was a similar problem for land. The Government decided to apply the policy of restitution,
even through the use of force when necessary.
|
 | Since 1995, a national programme of building houses was initiated: Those houses
built in villages also have as one of the objectives to change the mode of habitat in
Rwanda, move away from dispersed habitat which uses too much space, and promote a habitat
in villages which is easier to equip with basic infrastructure such as water, electricity,
schools and health centres. One of the criteria of settlement in those new villages is
multiethnicity.
|
 | A debate on national unity: Sessions of discussions gather leaders of different
political parties with the participation of the civil society; during these sessions
debates are held on national unity, history, justice etc. These are controversial debates
during which various points of view are raised. The objective is to form a common forum of
government which will tackle the main political and social issues in a deep and equitable
manner.
|
 | Creation of a National Fund for the assistance to the survivors of genocide and
massacres: This fund will help in assisting the most vulnerable groups among the
survivors of genocide and massacres. In order to prepare the programmes of this fund, a
census of the survivors has been initiated; it will not only give the number of survivors
of genocide and massacres, but it will also give the socio-economic description of the
group and thus allow a better knowledge of their needs.
|
 | Restoration of a climate of normalcy: Very quickly after the genocide, the
government was eager to restore an atmosphere of normalcy throughout its interventions in
the rehabilitation of economic, social and administrative structures and to break away
from the traumatic period of genocide.
|
| | | | | | | | | | |
|
b) Through the civil society
 | Development and social action by Rwandese NGOs: This action aims at assisting
the most vulnerable groups such as genocide and massacres widows, orphans, physically and
mentally handicapped people. It is largely undertaken by women groups who in so doing make
an important contribution to the social rehabilitation effort and also increase their
social power.
|
 | Creation of associations of survivors of genocide: These associations
especially those of widows or headed by women include hutu women. Finally, among the
beneficiaries of the services of these associations there are several members of both
communities.
|
 | Creation of a Programme of Action for Peace (1995) by the group Pro-femme Twese Hamwe
(all of us together): This multiethnic group of 35 organisations was created
before the 1990 war and was joined by newly created associations as well as those born in
the Diaspora. In 1997, the group organised a march for peace.
|
 | Organisation of a colloquium on the history and the causes of genocide by the National
University of Rwanda in December 1998: This colloquium will study a number of
controversial historical issues.
|
| | | |
|
c) By the international community
 | Creation of the Internatiorial Criminal Tribunal In Arusha, to prosecute the planners
and organisers of genocide.
|
 | A very important, bilateral and multilateral emergency humanitarian aid was given to
Rwanda in the months and years that immediately followed genocide. At first, that aid
passed through the NGOs; it was only in the second phase that state and government
organisations got substantial assistance.
|
| |
|
III. Action proposals
a) For the Government
 | The Government should continue its democratisation programme as promised thus allowing
the people to choose their leaders. However, one should always take great care not to
precipitate the electoral process so as not to endanger peace. Thus, the programme of
gradual introduction of the elections starting at grassroots level before proceeding to
the other levels should be maintained.
|
 | The electoral process should go with other actions for the promotion of the restoration
of social confidence and national identity.
|
 | The process of decentralisation of decision-making organs and the promotion of women
participation should be accelerated.
|
 | The Government should strengthen the policy of political and administrative transparency
and of war against corruption and nepotism by establishing administrative and financial
control mechanisms and punishing defaulters.
|
 | In the framework of the policy against impunity and of the organic law on genocide
especially in the provisions on the procedure of confession and penalty alleviation, the
government should explore the possibilities of organising a national truth commission.
|
 | Accused persons wishing to make confessions according to the organic law on genocide
should do it within the community in which the crimes were committed.
|
 | Confessions of crimes of genocide expressed within the community should be used to
organise local truth commissions.
|
 | A national effort should be made to make agriculture more efficient by modernising it
through the use of fertilisers, selected seeds and mechanisation.
|
 | More reflection should be made on the structure of land ownership so as to make land
grouping possible; this would give the land a size that is profitably exploitable and that
is in the interest of the peasant majority first and foremost.
|
 | The Government should be more committed to the policy of birth control.
|
| | | | | | | | | |
|
b) For the civil society
The associations of genocide and massacres survivors, the bar, professional
associations, national development NGOs, and local communities should contribute in:
|
|
 |
Studies on genocide notably on its historical
causes and on its judicial, criminological, social and psychological
consequences; it should also have a comparative element with
other genocides;
|
|
 |
Research-action on the prevention and containment
of conflicts, based on cultural practices, including the traditional
proximity conflict resolution mechanisms "gacaca";
|
|
 |
Research-action on the promotion and respect
for human rights by combining the universal texts and local
problems notably the handling of the post-genocide period and
that of those continuing the genocide;
|
|
 |
Research-action on the gender and justice
issue, how to rehabilitate women after the violence they suffered
from during the genocide and how to optimize their contribution
towards social rehabilitation and reconstitution;
|
|
 |
Research-action on the issue of Rwandese
ethics.
|
 | Ensure that people guilty of genocide who wish to make confessions in accordance with
the law on genocide do so within the community where such crimes were committed.
|
 | Establish local truth commissions.
|
 | National NGOs should insist on ethnic diversity within their leadership, their
membership as well as at the level of the populations who benefit from their services.
|
 | Intellectuals and the university should initiate an in-depth debate on the causes and
consequences of the genocide as well as on the solutions to them through the creation of
reflection and discussion forums held at research centres. The results of the research
should be widely discussed and diffused especially at grassroots level. The main centres
of interest would be as follows:
|
|
 |
Studies on genocide notably on its
historical causes and on its judicial, criminological,
social and psychological consequences; it should also
have a comparative element with other genocides;
|
|
 |
Research-action on the prevention and
containment of conflicts, based on cultural practices,
including the traditional proximity conflict resolution
mechanisms "gacaca";
|
|
 |
Research-action on the promotion and
respect for human rights by combining the universal texts
and local problems notably the handling of the post-genocide
period and that of those continuing the genocide;
|
|
 |
Research-action on the gender and justice
issue, how to rehabilitate women after the violence they
suffered from during the genocide and how to optimize
their contribution towards social rehabilitation and reconstitution;
|
|
 |
Research-action on the issue of Rwandese
ethics.
|
| | | | |
|
These different problems should explore the historical dimensions, the present
situation and future perspectives. Their study should have clear objectives of public
participation with regular publications of results accompanied by discussions including
strong media participation; public conferences at the level of the prefectures and
publication of reference manuals.
This work should be used in the preparation of school manuals and in the reorientation
of primary and secondary teachers especially on syllabi of history and civics. Finally,
university and secondary school curricula should include studies on genocide.
c) For the international community:
 | After the emergency aid, the international community should be committed to development
aid in Rwanda. The country's development is most certainly one of the surest means of
restoring its social fabric and of avoiding new large-scale violence.
|
 | The international community should cancel Rwanda's external debt considering the heavy
burden it represents for the country as well as its unique character given its origin and
the use that was made of it.
|
 | The international community should increase its co-operation with Rwanda's judicial
system and the Arusha International Tribunal in the arrest and prosecution of those
responsible of genocide.
|
 | The international community should take serious note of the gravity of the spread of
genocide ideology in the region and the formation of an international criminal coalition.
|
| | | |
|
Agenda and Presentations
International Consensus Forum Home Page
|